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Economia, un punto di vista dominante. Quel gran bigotto di Salvini. Robert Mapplethorpe, estetica e desiderio. Svilimento e avvilimento della scuola italiana. La disoccupazione giovanile e la proposta di Stato innovatore di prima istanza. Quando la manipolazione diventa instrumentum fidei. La trappola ideologica del debito, uno strumento di dominio.
Popolo: chi o che cosa? Micromega Newsletter collabora Abbonati alla rivista. Villari, Elogio della dissimulazione. La lotta politica nel Seicento, Roma-Bari, Laterza, , pp. A questo proposito, credo sia opportuno, prima di esaminare tali elementi, compiere alcune precisazioni che aiutano a comprendere lo sfondo teorico su cui si staglia la riflessione dacostiana. Proietti, Saggio introduttivo, in U. Proietti, Macerata, Eum, , pp. La recensione completa pp. Mostra a grandezza intera. Informazioni Contatti Ceum.
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Condizioni di vendita Spedizioni Pagamento sicuro Condizioni generali di vendita. The failure of the Revolution of , a source of great disappointment for its many Jewish supporters, had meant the loss of the civil and political equality achieved during the Republic of Manin.
The blood libel that broke the fragile balance in the relations between state, society, and the Jewish minority in the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom took place in Badia in the province of Rovigo, a location significant in terms of rural, manufacturing, and commercial activity and having about five thousand inhabitants. The young woman, a twenty-one-year-old peasant officially resident in nearby Masi, was living in the house of an aunt and publicly explained her disappearance by claiming to have escaped from a ritual murder.
As per her account, the Jews had kidnapped her and taken her to Verona, where they had tried to sacrifice her along with an unknown little girl whom she later lost track of. Her executioners had stunned her by repeatedly bloodletting her in the arms, collecting her blood in a terracotta basin.
Among the alleged Jewish perpetrators, Badians recognized their fellow townsman Caliman Ravenna. He was accused of kidnapping a Christian for the purpose of ritual murder. As evidence of the alleged bloodletting, Castilliero displayed six wounds in her arms, evoking perfect resonance with deep-rooted common anti-Jewish fantasies.
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The blood libel immediately fueled strong anti-Jewish sentiment; townsfolk united against the alleged kidnapper. The few Jews of the town 29 were formally members of the Jewish community of the provincial capital, Rovigo. Ravenna was a well-respected entrepreneur, hardware merchant, district tax collector, and moneylender. Amid mounting tension, the first wave of anti-Jewish agitation washed over Badia at the same time.
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Investigation by the local magistrate pretore put Ravenna in an even worse position. Next the case, in accordance with procedural requirements, moved on to the Court of Rovigo. The Badia affair became a regional crisis once the first accounts of it appeared in the press. Public opinion put Judaism on trial on its own, in discussions held among the social elites of the cities of Veneto and elsewhere. The Pedrocchi coffeehouse in Padua, where the Annotatore was typical reading, became the scene of verbal abuse against Jewish patrons.
Armed intervention proved needed to block the escalation of anti-Jewish violence, ultimately preventing damage to property and physical attacks against individuals.
Diplomatic efforts by the Venetian community were paralleled by those of other communities approaching their various provincial authorities; together, they proved decisive in winning the support of the Veneto government. The hypothesis that the anti-Jewish agitation signaled a renewal of the patriotic movement in Italy was farfetched and instrumental, but sounded dangerous to a power still traumatized by the events of and obsessed with the ghost of the Revolution.
Public opinion responded immediately to the change in the political climate. On July 9, the Gazzetta uffiziale di Venezia , the leading newspaper in Veneto, published a front-page refutation of the blood libel by Abraham Lattes, the chief rabbi of the Venetian community.
This critical phase of the Badia affair ended with the collapse of the legal endorsement of the blood libel. On July 14, Ravenna was released from jail. He held a celebration in the public square, thus starting his reintegration into the city community. The news was immediately published by the Sferza in Brescia , 50 and ten days later, in greater detail in the Gazzetta di Mantova ; this latter article was widely reproduced by the newspapers of Hapsburg Italy.
The widespread public acceptance of the blood libel called for an immediate response and a public refutation capable of counteracting prevalent prejudice. This project, though the names of its initiators are today impossible to establish, took shape among the leaders of the Jewish communities in Padua and Venice, and in the intellectual circles close to the Rabbinical College of Padua, 52 the main Jewish cultural center in the area. The support of political authorities, which had been crucial for the success of the campaign against the libel in the press, was guarantee against intervention from the censors.
Hailing from a long-standing tradition, public self-defense also reflected contemporary states of mind among European Jews, affected especially by the Damascus affair. Samuel David Luzzatto Shadal , professor at the Rabbinical College and renowned Hebraist, was familiar with the text 55 and shared its perspective. His rationalist approach followed the principles of the Wissenschaft des Judenthums , a European Jewish movement which rediscovered, by using scholarly method and analysis, its own religious and historical-cultural heritage.
Under the Austrians, Jewish leadership in the area had repeatedly produced joint responses to dangerous challenges from majority society. The conference of was, by contrast, an official event, which required participating members to renounce their traditional autonomy. They were distinguished people even in the eyes of non-Jewish society and experienced in dealing with the political authorities. The conference finalized the decision to take action against surrounding majority prejudice by publishing a report on the upcoming Castilliero trial together with a refutation of the blood libel based on rigorously documented historical-religious arguments.
Immediately following the conference, Jewish leaders of the region began preparation for the envisioned publication, led by Venice. Levi asked Cervesato to clarify the structure of the upcoming Castilliero trial. The risk was that the young woman would be indicted for theft primarily and the slander reduced to an ancillary crime, thus downplaying the importance of the mistreatment suffered by Ravenna and the need for redress. This scenario required an alternative strategy. The attorney gave a reassuring opinion, which ultimately proved to be correct.
The task of drafting the preliminary briefs, which would specify documentary sources and outline an overall strategy, was assigned to two learned experts with a solid background in Jewish history and religious lore. Through his mentor, Luzzatto, he was also connected to the Wissenschaft des Judenthums movement. Luzzatto was instrumental in other ways, giving Mainster bibliographical leads 77 and inspiring the research conducted by Romanin, to whom he was connected by feelings of esteem and friendship.
The briefs provided the Jewish leadership with essential material for the refutation. As we will show, the refutation was eventually based on a Protestant text and represented — in a manner consciously apologetic — the blood libel as a malicious deviation from Christian worldview. The legend of the infant from Trent sacrificed by the Jews in 81 had served as one of the main sources for legitimating the allegation of ritual murder. Its appeal derived from popular religious devotion, recognized by the Church, and had been revived by both erudite and popular hagiography, with increasing intensity, since the mid-eighteenth century.
His work continued a project conceived by Shadal during the Damascus crisis. This brought the civil and ecclesiastical authorities together to search for a new saint who would attract a stream of devotees and pilgrims, bringing prestige and income to the city of Trent. The publication would then lose much of its persuasive impact, even if still permitted to circulate without restriction.
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Making choices of this kind had always posed a problem for the Jewish community; the issue remained unresolved as late as the end of the nineteenth century. Lombardo-Venetian Jewry under Austrian rule was typically reluctant to intervene publicly in political or religious questions that concerned them directly: the risks involved — censorship and clashing with hostile Catholic public opinion — were effective deterrents. Issuing a publication by the communities themselves appeared a doubtful course to pursue. The periodical offered by the young Venetian journalist, a leading liberal publication, was a respected biweekly covering legal issues.
Protected by the young woman's staunch silence, this character was not going to appear as one of the accused.
Castilliero, charged with having slandered Ravenna, was tried in the Court of Rovigo during September October 1, Following the proceedings, Zajotti returned to Venice, where he started printing the special supplement to the Eco dei Tribunali. This was published in fourteen biweekly installments later to be collected in a large-format booklet of fifty-six pages. The text was divided into two interconnected parts, the first a detailed report of the trial proceedings and the second made up of two refutations of the blood libel.
One of these was fully referenced with extensive primary source citations.
The exact number of copies printed is not known, but the publication must have been widely circulated, especially in the Veneto area. As reported in the Eco dei Tribunali , the trial was conducted in a manner acceptable to the Jews, even if an occasional shadow was cast on certain points.
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